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Martes, Abril 30, 2013

Aid supporting Bangsamoro hailed




COTABATO CITY, Philipppines --- Officials  see as “vote of confidence” to the on-going talks between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front Monday’s launching of the World Bank and United Nations’ joint on-demand technical support to the setting up of the Bangsamoro region.

The Facility for Advisory Support to Transition Capacities (FASTRAC), was launched in nearby Camp Darapanan by  WB and  UN representatives  and the MILF’s chieftain, Al-Haj Murad.

“What else can be the best indication that the government-MILF talks are gaining headway? This cooperation between the World Bank, the United Nations and the MILF indicates that the Mindanao peace process, under the Aquino administration, is indeed gaining headway,” said Maguindanao Gov. Esmael Mangudadatu.

Camp Darapanan, the MILF’s main headquarters, is located in Sultan Kudarat town in the first district of Maguindanao. The MILF has dozens of guerrilla camps in the province.

The FASTRAC, whose implementation will start next week, will provide expertise and intervention that can hasten and transition from the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) to the Bangsamoro political entity the government and MILF panels  will establish under the Framework Agreement on Bangsamoro.

UN resident Director Luiza Carvalho, who attended  the launching rite at Camp Darapanan, said the FASTRAC will provide on-demand advisory services and access to the most relevant national and international expertise needed in the Basic Bangsamoro Law, which will legitimize the ARMM’s replacement with a new autonomous government.
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World Bank’s sector manager for sustainable development, Ousmane Dione, said FASTRAC will support the initiatives of the MILF and government’s peace panel, and the TransCom in furthering an inclusive Mindanao peace process.

The Murad-led MILF central committee agreed to the implementation of the FASTRAC early this month after a series of brainstorming sessions with representatives of the World Bank and the United Nations.

ARMM Gov Mujiv Hataman, chairman of the regional peace and order council, said the FASTRAC can be a showcase of international cooperation in pushing the Southern peace process forward.

“We in the ARMM regional cabinet see that as a `vote of confidence’ to the government-MILF talks,” Hataman said.

The ARMM covers Maguindanao and Lanao del Sur, which are both in Central Mindanao, the island provinces of Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi, and the cities of Lamitan and Marawi.

The MILF wants these areas grouped together into a new governing mechanism that has more administrative, fiscal and political powers. 

Let My People Awake!

By Orlan R. Ravanera
Kim's Dream
Tuesday, April 30, 2013

IT was written seven decades ago but that one poem of a poet laureate from India, Rabindranath Tagore still reverberates until now . . .”Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high, Where knowledge is free, Where the world is not broken down by narrow domestic walls, In that heaven of freedom my Father, LET MY PEOPLE AWAKE!”
Although the call to awaken the Indian people was one of liberation against the British Colonial Rule, it is still very relevant today. This time, the call is for us to be conscious of the contemporary issues believing that an awakened people can craft their own destiny based on the truism that the people united can never be defeated. Today, we strongly advocate:
Let my people awake to the painful reality that, according to scientists and environmentalists, the “current degradation of the environment and the massive loss of species are evidence that we are facing our own extinction and that “in the absence of a major change, the world system will collapse in less than a hundred years.”
Let my people awake that fundamental changes are now sweeping Africa, Latin America and now going to Asia and centuries-old beliefs and convictions are crashing down like the twin tower of the world trade center in New York. Among these are, the belief that nature is inexhaustible and this belief has lead to massive exploitation of our resources. The belief that the “Darwin’s Theory of natural selection to society is that by fittest means the strongest and the most aggressive. That is a gross mistake in principle. By fittest, it really means most cooperative, most adaptive and most caring.” That is why, we must advance cooperativism, the collective quest to make life better for the people rather than the individual quest for self aggrandizement and wealth.
Let my people awake on the unsustainability of the global economic system that is anchored on a dominant paradigm that pursues growth-at-all-cost development strategy. That unbridled consumerism and materialism where there is over-eating and obesity in the North while billions are hungry in the South; the gross inequities are very glaring as the combined wealth of the world’s billionaires equals the income of three billion people.
Let my people awake that social transformation has been so elusive all these years as the structures that breed poverty have remained as formidable as ever; that our country is not a capitalist country but one that follows block capitalism where only 300 families control the economy through cartels; that democratizing wealth and power cannot be had because those in control cannot moderate their greed.
Let my people awake that political exercises have proven to be exercises in futility in effecting social change because those running are voted not because they are for social re-structuring but because they are movie stars or good speakers or popular or because of their names, or because they have so much money as they are funded by vested interest groups or cartels to perpetuate their control over the economy.
Let my people awake that the Filipinos are poor not because they are lazy or lack resources (the truth is, our country is oozing with ecological resources) but because they are powerless to have access and control over their resources which are fast slipping through their fingers.
Let my people awake that poverty is the consequence of putting power where it does not belong, that is, to the politicians who are cornering gargantuan funds through massive corruptions (that is res ipsa loquitor), to the cartels that exploit our resources at the expense of the people and the environment, to institutions that are mouthing moral issues and social change but are only successful in enriching themselves and to TNCs that have made our country dumping grounds of finished products while extracting so much raw materials and natural resources at the expense of our ecosystems (this again, is res ipsa loquitor).
Let my people awake that we now must work for social change, for paradigm shifts. Debunk conventional agriculture because it is just successful in impoverishing the peasantry and in polluting our environment. Stop those who are exploiting our natural resources with utter disregard for nature and the welfare of the coming generations. Stop those cartels that all these years are depriving the people of their ownership of utilities.
Let my people awake to stop political dynasties (which is prohibited in the 1987 Constitution); to stop vote-buying and to elect only those who are subservient to the interest of the people and not to those who are advancing the interest of a few elite.
Only when the people have awakened that we can bring this country to “that heaven of Freedom” where the people are free from hunger and poverty!

Dynasty, RH stand crucial for Senate bets



 

CEBU CITY—Sharp exchanges punctuated the debate among the senatorial candidates on what to do to implement the constitutional ban on political dynasties, the topic of the third and final episode of the Inquirer Senate Forum here on Friday.
The exchanges crystallized the public’s strong sentiment against the domination of Philippine politics by a few but influential and powerful families. The question that surfaced is whether the next Senate will push legislation to give teeth to the constitutional ban.
The intensity of the debate showed that political dynasties are one of the most contentious issues in the May 13 midterm elections, along with the controversial reproductive health (RH) law that has put the Catholic Church in a collision course with the Aquino administration, which backed the measure in Congress.
Their stand on the two issues would either make or break the 33 senatorial candidates’ political fortunes, as indicated by the public’s reaction to them in the three episodes of the Inquirer Senate Forum (the first was held in the University of the Philippines in Diliman and the second in Baguio City).
The three forums tapped into the vein of the views of the senatorial candidates, as the winners will be the policymakers who will shape the national agenda, including political dynasties, the RH law, the economy, poverty, education and taxes.
Social cross-section
The eight candidates, who took part in the Cebu forum, represented a cross-section of society—incumbent office holders, those seeking reelection, and the NGO (nongovernment organizations) sector, with no financial base to fund a campaign, unlike the candidates from political families who had ample resources.
In a way, the candidates from the NGO sector who are seeking electoral support are pitting themselves against the resources of the embedded political families. What are their chances against the goliaths of the dynastic families?
Although they are fighting an uphill battle, the aspiring “outsiders,” the Inquirer forums have found, are rich in ideas and have much to offer to the voters. They can, if elected, democratize the social base of the Senate.
A sort of consensus emerged in the Cebu forum, i.e., there was a need to level the playing field by bringing down the prohibitive costs of electoral campaigning, especially of political advertising.
Independent senatorial candidate Teddy Casiño opened fire on the dynasty issue. After a stint in the House, representing the Left in Philippine politics, Casiño appeared to have already acquired the airs of a veteran senator when he pointed out that he had authored several antidynasty bills, but none of them went to the plenary “because of opposition from lawmakers belonging to big political families.”
Second-degree
Using his own definition of political dynasty, Casiño said the wife, children, parents and siblings—or second-degree relatives—should not be allowed to run for the post being vacated by an outgoing elected official. Singling out Aurora Rep. Juan Edgardo Angara, Casiño said, “There are other families who have young and budding politicians.”
Angara is running for the Senate as a candidate of the administration’s Team PNoy, led by President Aquino himself, scion of the country’s most powerful dynasty, which has produced two presidents (the incumbent and his mother, former President Cory Aquino).
Casiño lamented the fate of the antidynasty bills being killed in Congress. How can the bills be reported out to the floor after the President has stubbornly refused to certify them as urgent legislation?
Angara replied that Casiño’s definition does not apply to him because his father, outgoing Sen. Edgardo Angara, is retiring in June after serving in the Senate for 24 years. “Everyone must be given equal opportunity to serve,” the younger Angara said. But voters, he said, should not elect him because of his family name but because of his track record.
The six other candidates in the forum were former Bukidnon Rep. Juan Miguel Zubiri of the opposition United Nationalist Alliance, Bro. Eddie Villanueva of Bangon Pilipinas, Rizalito David of Ang Kapatiran Party, Mary Grace Poe of Team PNoy, Samson Alcantara of the Social Justice Society, and independent Ricardo Penson.
Charter definition
According to Alcantara, there is no need to define what a political dynasty is because the Constitution is clear that “political dynasties are prohibited, whether they are good or bad.”
David and Penson agreed that the Constitution had already sufficiently defined what a political dynasty was. But they pointed out that the constitutional prohibition had not been implemented because the electorate had kept on voting the wrong officials into office.
Villanueva reiterated his earlier position that no one should be discriminated against in serving the country through the government because of his or her family name, so long as he or she is competent and of good moral standing.
A religious leader, Villanueva has a son, Joel, who is chief of the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority, a government agency.
Casiño, David, Penson and Alcantara, a lawyer, are against political dynasties.
Zubiri made a pitch for a broad public health care system subsidized by the state. He belongs to a political family in Bukidnon. He is the son of Bukidnon Gov. Juan Zubiri Jr. and the younger brother of Bukidnon Rep Jose Ma. Zubiri III. He contended that there are scions of political clans who have excelled and surpassed the performance of their parents and grandparents.
Underrepresented
Zubiri took pains to point out that his region, Mindanao, is grossly underrepresented on the two main contending tickets. It is represented only by him and Sen. Aquilino Pimentel III of the dynasty founded by former Sen. Aquilino Pimentel Jr.
Dynastic lineage runs across interlocking party lines. None of the two alignments can claim superiority in being able to push antidynasty legislation in the next Congress. Both are blighted on this issue.
There is no more ironic setting for the third Inquirer Senate forum than Cebu. As the campaign heated up, I observed that the walls in the city were plastered with election posters that carried the pictures of candidates from Cebu’s political dynasties.
Among the cities or ethnic regions of the country, Cebu has the most political dynasties. The posters carry the names of families that have ruled the region since the turn of the 20th century—the Osmeñas, Duranos, Garcias, Sottos and Cuencos.
According to a study by Bobby Tuazon of the Center of People Empowerment in Governance, 94 percent of the provinces (73 out of a total of 80) have political dynasties. The average number of political families per province is 2.31. Cebu accounts for at least six. Whether the density of dynasties has made Cebu more democratic and more economically progressive is an issue that calls for further academic research.

Poverty: The good, bad and ugly news


 
By some accounts, the National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) and its mother agency the National Economic and Development Authority (Neda) ruffled feathers in the Palace and the Cabinet with the way they announced the first semester 2012 poverty figures last week. Some even speculated that it may have cost Neda Secretary Arsi Balisacan his slot in the President’s delegation to the Asean meeting in Brunei, having dropped out of the list at the last minute.
I can see why NSCB Secretary General Jose Ramon Albert and Secretary Balisacan, disciplined academic professionals as they have been in their former nongovernment personas, would choose to report the news the way they did, and when they did. They can be expected to report the facts as they are, good news or bad. They must also adhere to a previously announced schedule for release of “designated statistics” that include the quarterly reports on gross domestic product (GDP) growth and other key statistics. Postponing the release of not-so-flattering news until after the elections would have been an obvious temptation for the government’s political strategists. But NSCB and Neda would betray their constitutionally provided independence—not to mention raise suspicions at the expense of their credibility—if they were to deviate from their committed release schedule for data as important as these.
On the other hand, perhaps it’s the journalist in me, but NSCB didn’t really have to headline its report by outright saying that Philippine poverty incidence had “remained unchanged.” It could just as easily (and no less truthfully) have headlined that the poverty rate appears to have gone down, from the 2009 level of 28.6 to 27.9 percent of the population, or from 22.9 to 22.3 percent of families. It could then qualify that the difference was not statistically significant (I have seen NSCB do this before). Notice how when GDP growth rises or falls by a few decimal points, no one pays attention to whether the difference is statistically significant or not; GDP growth goes up or down, period. Indeed, choice of words can make a great deal of difference. And at the height of political season such as now, the administration’s political strategists would understandably wish that NSCB and Neda had taken some lessons on “wordsmithing” and been more politically savvy in their reports, without necessarily forsaking the truth. Media professionals call it “spin.”
There is, after all, good news in the poverty figures along with the bad (and ugly). It is welcome news, for example, that poverty incidence actually went down in the majority of our regions (9 out of 16) and provinces (50 out of 81). The best performing regions were Cagayan Valley (Region II) and Zamboanga Peninsula (Region IX), both of whose poverty rates (as a percent of families) fell by more than 11 percent. Poverty dropped from 22.3 to 19.8 percent of families in Cagayan Valley, and from 41.5 to 36.9 percent in the Zamboanga Peninsula. Other top performing regions were the Ilocos Region (18.5 to 16.7 percent, or a 9.7 percent drop), Central Visayas (31.6 to 28.8 percent, or a 9 percent drop), Western Visayas (26.7 to 24.7 percent, a 7.5 percent drop), Mimaropa (30.6 to 28.4 percent, a 7.2 percent drop), and Bicol Region (36.5 to 34.1 percent, a 6.6 percent drop).
Tawi-Tawi was the best performer among the provinces, with poverty rate dropping from nearly half (48.3 percent) of families in 2009 to only one-fifth (20.8 percent) by 2012, a steep 57 percent fall. Following closely are Aklan (from 38.4 to 21 percent, dropping by 45.3 percent), Biliran (34.6 to 20.7 percent, a 40.2 percent drop), and Benguet (whose already low poverty incidence of 7 percent was further cut to 4.3 percent, a 39 percent improvement). Other top performing provinces were Surigao del Norte, Surigao del Sur, Agusan del Sur, Ilocos Norte, Camarines Norte and Zamboanga del Norte. Interestingly, the last used to be the nation’s poorest province, with 63.6 percent of its families poor in 2009. Now it is only the fifth poorest, dislodged by Lanao del Sur, Apayao, Eastern Samar and Maguindanao, in that order—all of whose poverty rates shot up in the three-year period by 27 to 54 percent.
The ugly news was the drastic rise in poverty in 19 provinces where poverty incidence jumped by more than 25 percent within just a three-year period. The island province of Camiguin—proximity to dynamic Cagayan de Oro notwithstanding—fared worst, with poverty rate more than doubling from 17.2 to 34.9 percent. Second worst was Zambales, with poverty rate nearly doubling from 9.4 to 18 percent. North Cotabato’s poverty rate jumped 80 percent, from 24.4 to 43.9 percent. Also seeing a dramatic rise in poverty rates are Ifugao, Maguindanao, Aurora, Quirino, Batanes, Nueva Vizcaya and Guimaras, all jumping by more than 40 percent. From the list, one might venture reasonable guesses on why these provinces saw such a dramatic poverty rise, including political turmoil and geographic isolation, especially in the case of island provinces.
The recent reported poverty trends are sobering, but not surprising. Even with huge amounts (P39.4 billion) given out as targeted conditional cash transfers (CCT) to poor families in 2012, NSCB calculates that more than twice that amount would have been needed to close the poverty gap. Also, and as widely lamented, recent improvements in the economy have not permeated down to the Filipino poor. We all have our favorite theories and solutions, but what is clear is that trickle-down economics and business as usual simply won’t bring our poverty numbers down to where we all need them to go.

Philippines President Benigno Aquino coughs during campaign trail President will continue to canvass for votes ahead of May 13 elections



By Barbara Mae Dacanay, Bureau Chief
Published: 13:30 April 30, 2013

Manila: President Benigno Aquino has been coughing during a campaign trail in southern Luzon, prompting a spokesman to clarify that Aquino remained in the “pink of health”.
“There is nothing wrong with the president. There are no indications of any illness,” said Presidential spokesperson Edwin Lacierda.
Aquino will not stop campaigning for the Liberal Party’s senatorial candidates for the next two weeks before the May 13 elections, said Lacierda, adding that it is natural for the president to campaign for candidates of the ruling party.
“This is a campaign for reform. We still have three more years left in this administration and he wants these three years to be even more productive than the first three,” said Lacierda.
His voice was hoarse and he coughed severely six times during a political campaign in Lucena, Quezon, a TV report showed.
“I am asking for forgiveness ahead of this speech. I have a cold but I will try to clearly enunciate what I want to say [in this campaign speech],” said Aquino.
He reminded his audience about the advice of Health Secretary Enrique Ona who had earlier asked him to get some rest.
Aquino has been asked to stop smoking. But he said smoking relaxes him and he is not willing to give it up.