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Martes, Abril 30, 2013

Don’t use minors in propaganda BY JUDY F. PARTLOW


Special investigator Jess Cañete of the Commission on Human Rights in Negros Oriental yesterday warned political candidates not to exploit minors in campaigning for the May 13 polls.

This was after a 14-year-old parking attendant said that he and his companion were paid P50 each last week to distribute a two-page document at the Dumaguete Public Market.

The boy said that on April 21, two men asked him and his companion to distribute three plastic bags of folded sheets of paper.

He said it took them half a day to do it and they went to the Marian Priests Center at the St. Catherine of Alexandria Cathedral compound later for the feeding activity conducted by the Franciscan sisters of the Diocese of Dumaguete. A volunteer saw the bundles of paper and called the attention of Sr. Maria, who told the boys to stop distributing them.

The document attacked incumbent Gov. Roel Degamo for his alleged sexual abuses of women, three of whom were named. The second page was a copy of a case filed against the governor for acts of lasciviousness when he was still a councilor of Siaton, Negros Oriental.

The case, raised by Degamo’s political opponents last year, was reported to have been dismissed already.

Cañete appealed to bets to stop using black propaganda to discredit their opponents and called the distribution of the document as a desperate act of a candidate.

Cañete said that, if there is enough identification and evidence against the perpetrators, he will make sure that they will be prosecuted.

He also said that exploiting minors for such practice is a violation of Republic Act 7610, or the Anti-Child Abuse Act.*JFP

Lunes, Abril 29, 2013

Why did Cypriot banks keep buying Greek bonds? By Michele Kambas, Stephen Grey and Stelios Orphanides, Reuters


NICOSIA  - One day last October, a memory stick containing special software for deleting data was placed into a desktop computer at Bank of Cyprus.
Within minutes, 28,000 files were erased, according to investigators who had wanted to copy the data for an official report into the collapse of the Cypriot banking system.
The deleted files included emails sent and received in a crucial period in late 2009 and early 2010 when Bank of Cyprus, the biggest lender on the island, spent billions of euros buying Greek bonds - at a time when international banks were cutting exposure to the heavily indebted Athens government.
Those Greek bonds lost most of their value in last year's EU-sanctioned bailout, playing a key role in plunging Cyprus into an economic maelstrom. When banks turned to Cyprus's own cash-strapped government for help in plugging holes in their balance sheets, Nicosia too needed an international rescue.
Now people in the small euro zone republic, who have lost money and face years of grim austerity, want to know who decided to plough their savings into the doomed public accounts of their bigger neighbour, and why. But answers are proving elusive, not helped by the mysterious wiping of data at Bank of Cyprus.
There has been public speculation about backroom diplomatic deals or misplaced solidarity with Cypriots' fellow Greek-speakers.
But executives at the failed banks argue that Greek bonds seemed a good investment at the time - though that view is at odds with that of many bankers elsewhere in Europe, who were doing all they could to limit their own exposures to Greece.
The confidential report, prepared for the Cypriot central bank by global consultants Alvarez and Marsal, found that Bank of Cyprus had been willing, from 2009 onwards, to invest in risky, high-yielding Greek debt in a bid to offset an erosion of its balance sheet from rising non-performing loans.
The report, which Reuters has seen, alleges that bank executives may not have revealed details of bond purchases to board directors, avoided showing losses on the bonds, and may later have delayed external investigation of the bond purchases.
In December 2009, managers told media and their own board that most of the bank's Greek bondholdings had been sold - but the bank did not then disclose that it had almost immediately bought more.
Bank of Cyprus has declined to comment on the report. Petros Clerides, the Cypriot attorney-general to whom a copy of the report was delivered, declined any comment on the matter.
Much attention in the crisis has hitherto focused on allegations of poor management at Cyprus's other big lender, Laiki Bank, formerly Marfin Popular. But the Alvarez and Marsal report, whose broad findings emerged earlier this month, raises questions, too, about the former management of Bank of Cyprus.
The report noted "a culture whereby senior management decisions were not challenged".
Michael Olympios, who heads an investors' association, Pasexa, that has complained of mismanagement, said: "There was clear corporate governance failure here, and a lack of disclosure to shareholders."
More broadly, he added: "If one wants to summarise the mess in our banking system, Lord Acton sums it up; power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely."
Under last month's bailout deal for the Cypriot state, Laiki is being closed and Bank of Cyprus is being recapitalised. Large depositors at Bank of Cyprus have seen virtually all of their deposits over an insured 100,000-euro ($131,000) threshold frozen and stand to see up to 60 percent of those converted into equity.
Many in Cyprus, including hundreds of Russians who placed their faith in its once booming offshore banking products, feel they have been unfairly treated; bank depositors in Greece suffered no losses when that country was bailed out.
"They should have bought from different governments rather than just Greece," said Demetris Syllouris, who heads the Cyprus parliament's ethics committee which is looking into the affair.
"This caused 80 percent of the problem we are in."
Aside from the wisdom of its investment strategy, it is the communication of this strategy to investors that is in question.
On Dec. 10, 2009, Yiannis Kypri, a general manager at Bank of Cyprus, told a Cypriot website, Stockwatch, that the bank had "minimal exposure to Greek sovereign debt" after reducing its holdings from 1.8 billion euros to 0.1 billion.
The same day, according to the investigators' report, Andreas Eliades, then Bank of Cyprus's group chief executive officer, instructed his treasury department to begin new purchases of such bonds. With these new instructions, that day the bank bought debt worth 150 million euros, and a total of 400 million by the end of 2009, according to the consultants.
There is, the report says, "no evidence" the public comment about "minimal exposure" to Greece was ever "retracted or subsequently corrected by any of the bank's executives".
Kypri told Reuters he could say little while an official inquiry continues, but he was quoted by the investigators saying he had been unaware of the plan to return to buying Greek bonds.
Andreas Eliades, who was chief executive until July 2012, told Reuters Kypri's statement to Stockwatch referred only to a temporary sell-off in response to short-term market fluctuation.
Another member of senior management at the time, Nicolas Karydas, gave investigators and Reuters the same explanation.
On Dec. 11, the day after the bank resumed purchases of Greek bonds, Karydas told the bank's board that most of its Greek bonds had been sold. But, the Alvarez and Marsal investigators, add: "The board was not informed that the repurchase of Greek government bonds had commenced the prior day, after the divesture."
Karydas, group general manager of risk management and markets, who left the bank at the end of August last year, rejected any suggestion the board was unaware of the investment strategy or that he misled the board. He said in an email response to Reuters "all the executives" agreed to a policy that included possible Greek bond purchases at a meeting in November 2009.
"The ... suggestions ... were also approved by the board of directors in their Dec. 11 meeting," Karydas said. "It seemed to be a consensus view that Greece would overcome the crisis."
By April 2010, the bank had expanded its holding of Greek government bonds to 2.4 billion euros, a third more than the amount Kypri had told Stockwatch had been sold four months before. The investigators said this went beyond the bank's own approved 2-billion-euro limit but was approved retrospectively in May 2010.
Eliades, the former group CEO, said that Greek bonds were still well rated at the time and in demand internationally: "We cannot judge, with today's circumstances, actions which took place at a different time when Greek bonds had very high demand," he said. "Everyone was buying into Greek bonds."
By comparison, however, data from "stress tests" carried out by EU authorities concerned about the health of their banks, showed that at the end of 2010, most of the 10 biggest banks on the continent, many times larger than the Cypriot lenders, held nothing like as much Greek debt as did Bank of Cyprus and Laiki.
They had 2.2 billion and 3.3 billion euros respectively, outstripped among top 10 banks only by French giants BNP Paribas and Societe Generale. The same EU data showed that Britain's Barclays had only 192 million euros and Lloyds none at all.
As investors' fears over the solvency of Greece grew, the value of the Greek bonds fell. The Bank of Cyprus made changes to the way it accounted for the bond holdings, according to the Alvarez and Marsal report, with the result that the growing potential losses were not spelled out to investors.
In April 2010, it moved about 1.6 billion euros of Greek bonds from its trading account to its "held to maturity" book. This meant the bank did not have to mark down the value of the bonds.
The accounting move was made on the grounds that Greece would redeem the bonds. The report authors said: "The justification provided does not appear to be strong."
Eliades told Reuters: "Nobody could possibly expect that a European country, in the euro, could possibly default."
Last year, however, the EU and IMF bailout terms relieved Greece of the need to repay up to 80 percent on its bonds, leaving the Bank of Cyprus with losses of 1.8 billion euros.
The bank declined to respond to an allegation made in the report that data that could have been relevant to understanding why it bought so much Greek debt may have been deleted.
That data, the authors say, was wiped from the computer of Christakis Patsalides, an executive involved in buying bonds, using special software on Oct. 18 last year. When investigators examined it, there was a 15-month gap in emails in 2009-2010.
There is no suggestion Patsalides himself deleted them. He told investigators that he was unaware of any missing data, according to the report. Patsalides declined comment to Reuters but told investigators for the report that had thought the bank's ceiling for its Greek bond holdings had been set at "too high a limit".

US green card limbo: for one Filipino, a long wait by Ivan Couronne, Agence France-Presse


WASHINGTON - Arnulfo Babiera applied for a US green card a decade ago, in the hopes of reuniting with his sister, a naturalized citizen. But at the current rate, his wait could extend until 2027.
Foreigners seeking to immigrate to the United States under a family reunification program may however see changes on the horizon, with a new reform seeking to resolve the four million cases in limbo, like that of Babiera.
"That is my dream, going to the United States of America -- to earn more, to support my family here. My income would be greater than it is here," Babiera told AFP by telephone from his home in Davao, in the southern Philippines.
Babiera, a 58-year-old employee of a recruitment agency, earned the right to come to the United States when his sister Elizabeth filed a green card application on his behalf in 2003.
But US law places a cap on the number of green cards each year granted to a specific country to seven percent of the total. There are so many requests from China, Mexico, India and the Philippines that the wait seems endless.
Applications are handled in the order in which they are received. For Filipino siblings of US citizens, immigration authorities are now processing applications filed in October 1989. Babiera could be waiting another 14 years.
For Mexican brothers and sisters, authorities are looking at cases dating back to 1996. For the unmarried children of US citizens, the backlog dates to April 2006, no matter what the nationality.
"I'll be retired before he comes here, I think!" said 56-year-old Elizabeth Babiera, a nurse who lives in the Washington suburbs.
"I have nobody here. I see the other families, they have all their brothers and sisters here, and I envy them."
The Babiera family green card drama is the unfortunate consequence of a law that no longer corresponds to the reality of the flow of immigrants into the United States.
Madeleine Sumption, an expert at the Migration Policy Institute, notes that between 4.3 million and 4.7 million people have earned the right to live in the United States on a permanent basis, but have been unable to move here.
But a draft immigration reform bill unveiled earlier this month by a bipartisan group of US senators includes a clause that would speed up the processing of the family green card applications.
From late 2014, and by 2021, all pending green card petitions should be handled.
"The backlog is just not an efficient way to run an immigration system, and yet because the law has not changed for so long, it's become the defining characteristic of how the policy functions here," Sumption said.
For backers of immigration reform, it is inconceivable to even think about creating a path to citizenship for the 11 million undocumented migrants in the United States before dealing with those who followed rules and waited at home.
"They are at the back of the line. Everyone who applied before them legally goes first," said Republican Senator Marco Rubio, a co-author of the bill.
Whenever his green card comes through, Babiera will be one of the last foreigners to get one via a brother or sister.
The reform proposal, which will be debated in Congress in the coming months, calls for the sibling green card clause to be abandoned. Only children and spouses of US citizens and permanent residents will qualify.
US lawmakers henceforth want to prioritize immigration on the basis of employment, and not family ties.
 

‘The Firm’ not so firm: It’s breaking up By Gil C. Cabacungan Philippine Daily Inquirer


The firm is not so firm after all.
Several sources from legal, business and political circles have claimed that the Villaraza Cruz Marcelo & Angangco, or CVC Law office, easily the country’s richest and most powerful law firm, is in turmoil and on the verge of breaking up, with senior partners Avelino “Nonong” Cruz and Simeon Marcelo threatening to leave the 33-year-old law partnership over management and financial differences.
A top government official close to the partners said that 15 partners belonging to the so-called “government bloc” of Cruz and Marcelo were planning to leave CVC Law.  This would leave the rival faction led by chair and CEO F. Arthur “Pancho” Villaraza with only eight partners.
“CVC Law or The Firm has parted ways,” declared the government source, who requested anonymity because he was not authorized to speak in behalf of the law firm.
No comment
Asked for his reactions on the dispute, CVC Law managing partner Bienvenido I. Somera Jr. replied in a text message that he “can’t comment at the moment.”  Several attempts to reach Villaraza through an intermediary also yielded the same result. Marcelo did not return the Inquirer’s calls.
Cruz served as presidential legal counsel and defense secretary during the term of former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who used to be The Firm’s most powerful client, while Marcelo served as solicitor general and ombudsman during the same administration.
A lawyer and fraternity brother of Villaraza at the University of the Philippines law school’s Sigma Rho fraternity said the partners were bickering on how to divide the profits of the company.
Bigger slice of profits
The lawyer, who requested anonymity, said the group of Cruz and Marcelo had claimed that they had brought in more government clients to the company and therefore deserved a bigger slice of the profits.
The lawyer said The Firm’s top brass held several “ill-tempered” meetings over the past few days, and that their separation was just a formality.  Cruz, he said, had even pushed for the immediate sale of the law firm’s multibillion peso headquarters, the 12-story CVC Law Center at the Fort Bonifacio Global City which was completed three years ago.
An insider from The Firm confirmed that the partners held a “tempestuous” meeting last Wednesday where the seniors partners were supposed to start the separation proceedings.
Purely business vs advocacy
Some partners, however, decided to take a few more days to rethink their stand in the hopes that the two sides would soften their stance and agree to a compromise.
But the insider said that the partners were not squabbling over money because the division of properties would only matter after the partnership had been dissolved.   For the past two years, the insider added, the government bloc had been at odds with the Villaraza group’s policy of treating the partnership as a purely business enterprise.
The government bloc had maintained that The Firm could “still do well and do good” by taking on cases primarily for advocacy rather than just for profit, the inside source said.
Another source however said that The Firm is divided into one faction led by Villaraza and Raoul Angangco, with eight partners on its side, including Somera, who acted as The Firm’s chief operating officer, and often served as a bridge to the rival faction led by Cruz and Marcelo.

‘Discontent over treatment’
“Most of the law firm’s partners who had served in government are on [the Cruz-Marcelo] side,” the source said, adding that 15 partners are in this faction.
The source said that the looming dissolution of CVC Law was caused by “discontent” in the Cruz-Marcelo camp over what some partners have described as Villaraza’s “style of treating his other partners.”
Said the source: “The split was caused by fundamental differences in the direction of The Firm and [its] manner of practicing law. The rift has little to do with money matters.”
The source said that the troubles at The Firm and its 23 partners had been brewing for the last few weeks, and that attempts were made to resolve the impasse.  So far, such efforts have failed, the source added.
PR fallout
More recently, both sides have been trying to come to an agreement on how to divide the company, including how to dispose of its headquarters at Bonifacio Global City in Taguig City, while limiting the public relations fallout of the dissolution. But such talks had also failed to break the deadlock.
“It now looks like the breakup would happen soon,” the source said. “This could be fast.”
Rumors of the breakup were fanned by the glaring absence of Cruz, Marcelo and other partners from the “Casa Artusi” series of dinners hosted by The Firm for its blue-chip clients at its ultra-exclusive Rainmakers Lounge at the CVC Law Center’s penthouse.
Guests who asked why only Villaraza and allied partners Augusto A. San Pedro Jr. and Franchette Acosta were around at the event were told that Cruz and Marcelo would be holding separate dinners for their clients.
The Firm was formed in 1980 by Villaraza, Cruz, Tommy Rossel, Romy Barza and current Supreme Court Associate Justice Antonio Carpio.
Falling out with Gloria Arroyo
After its office burned down in 1982, The Firm moved to the LTA Building in Makati owned by the family of former First Gentleman Jose Miguel Arroyo, and stayed there until 2010 even after a falling out with former President Macapagal-Arroyo in 2005 that forced Cruz and Marcelo to quit her administration.
Villaraza and Carpio served as legal counsel for several allies of then President Ferdinand Marcos in the 1980s, but was relatively low-key during the terms of Presidents Corazon Aquino (1986 and 1992) and Joseph Estrada (1998 to 2001).
It was during the term of President Fidel V. Ramos that CVC Law again rose to prominence when Carpio was appointed presidential legal counsel.  The Firm was largely credited with breaking up the decades-old monopoly of Philippine Long Distance Telephone Co. during this period. It was also during this time when CVC Law earned the monicker, The Firm, after a bestseller written by American author John Grisham.

Estrada impeachment
The Firm also took part in the impeachment trial of Estrada when Marcelo served as one of the prosecutors.
The law firm’s roster of big-ticket corporate clients include Pilipinas Shell Petroleum Corp., the Rizal Commercial Banking Corp., several companies under the Lopez group, among them ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corp., Sagittarius Mines Inc. and several high-profile individuals.
CVC Law served as the external counsel of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas in its latest round of legal battles with the shuttered Banco Filipino Savings and Mortgage Bank. It was also part of the successful operation to shut down the P14-billion Legacy scam in 2009.
Last year, The Firm served as advisers during the impeachment trial of former Chief Justice Renato Corona.  With a report from Daxim L. Lucas

4 people stabbed at US church – police Associated Press


ALBUQUERQUE, New Mexico – Police said a 24-year-old man stabbed four people at a Catholic church in New Mexico as a Sunday mass was nearing its end.
Police spokesman Robert Gibbs said Lawrence Capener jumped over several pews at St. Jude Thaddeus Catholic Church around noon Sunday and walked up to the choir area where he began his attack.
The injuries to the four church-goers weren’t life-threatening. All four were being treated at hospitals.
An off-duty police officer and others at the church subdued Capener and held him down until police arrived.
Some of those who were stabbed were members of the choir.
Gibbs said Capener is now being interviewed by police and is expected to face felony charges.
It’s not yet known whether Capener has an attorney.
Gibbs said investigators didn’t yet know the motive for the stabbings, whether Capener had ties to the victims or whether he regularly attended the church.
Archbishop of Santa Fe Michael Sheehan released a statement saying he was saddened by the attack.
“I pray for all who have been harmed, their families, the parishioners and that nothing like this will ever happen again,” Sheehan said.
The church didn’t immediately return calls seeking comment on Sunday afternoon.

Nancy Binay still won’t do debates

By Christian V. Esguerra 
Philippine Daily Inquirer  

DUMAGUETE CITY, Philippines—Those eager to see Nancy Binay in a public debate would have to wait until after the May 13 senatorial elections.
If she wins, the daugher of Vice President Jejomar Binay said, she would be willing to go head-to-head with Team PNoy counterpart Risa Hontiveros on the Senate floor, assuming, of course, that the former Akbayan representative gets into the “Magic 12″ as well.
“I told her it’s okay. If both of us get elected to the Senate, the two of us would be able to debate every day in the Senate,” she told reporters during a campaign sortie here.
But in the meantime, Binay insisted that she would rather focus on the campaign trail with less than three weeks to go before elections.
“It seems there’s no more time for debates because there are still many provinces that I need to visit,” she said in Filipino.
More ground to cover
Binay said she still had more ground to cover because she joined the the senatorial race relatively late. She joined the United Nationalist Alliance ticket after businessman Joey De Venecia backed out.
“Most of [the candidates] had already prepared a year ago because they already had intentions of running,” she said.
Despite her purported reluctance to seek public office, Binay has performed well in surveys of voter preferences in the senatorial elections. She ranked third and fourth in the latest Social Weather Stations survey.
In contrast, Hontiveros, who has been challenging her to a debate, has consistently failed to get into the top 12 of all major surveys so far.
Still, Binay said she would not go easy on her campaign. She noted that in the 2010 vice presidential election, her father, then Makati Mayor Jejomar Binay, had been trailing frontrunner Mar Roxas. The elder Binay eventually won.
“What happened to my father’s opponent, I don’t want that to happen to me,” she said. “To me, surveys are not the true test of who would win or lose in the election.”
Binay added: “My mind-set is I’m not winning."

UNA candidate sees red over Aquino’s yellow rap

By Leila B. Salaverria
Philippine Daily Inquirer


LEGAZPI CITY—President Aquino should not begrudge other parties from sporting yellow as their campaign color and should not lose his head over such trivialities, an opposition senatorial candidate said here on Monday.
Zambales Rep. Milagros “Mitos” Magsaysay, a senatorial candidate of the opposition United Nationalist Alliance (UNA), said the colors chosen by local parties should not concern the President, as there are far more important matters that demand his attention.
Magsaysay was reacting to reports that the President chided the UNA for having local candidates in General Santos City who were using yellow as their campaign color.
Yellow is the official color of the President’s Liberal Party. It is the signature color of Aquino’s mother, the late President Corazon Aquino, who battled dictator Ferdinand Marcos in a snap presidential election in 1986 wearing yellow dresses to signify the Filipinos’ struggle for freedom.
“I think the President should stop looking at trivialities, as far as the election is concerned. What he should focus on is how to address the problems of the country, not the uniforms of local candidates,” Magsaysay told reporters here.
For instance, criticizing local candidates for wearing yellow despite not being affiliated with Team PNoy will not solve the power shortage in General Santos City, she said.
Magsaysay also said that in the first place, no group owns any color.
“Does Team PNoy have a patent for the color yellow? Have they bought the ‘rights’ to that color?” she said.
In a separate statement, UNA campaign manager Toby Tiangco said the alliance was not trying to mislead the voters.
The UNA’s national campaign color is orange, he said, but its local allies are free to choose any color for their campaign.
Tiangco pointed out that some of the local allies of Team PNoy use colors other than yellow.

Maceda trips, falls but quickly rises

Philippine Daily Inquirer

DATU PAGLAS, Maguindanao—Like the beauty contestant who redeemed herself after tripping onstage, former Senate President Ernesto Maceda promptly stood up after stumbling on the platform during a campaign rally here Sunday afternoon.
Maceda, who is running under the opposition United Nationalist Alliance (UNA), tripped on a microphone wire as he was walking toward the podium.
Sultan Kudarat Mayor Tucao Mastura, the opposition coalition’s gubernatorial candidate, helped the former senator and ambassador get up, then raising the latter’s arms in front of thousands of supporters.
The 78-year-old Maceda was not hurt in the incident.
There was no mention of his fall during his speech. Immediately after regaining his composure, he joined the crowd in chanting “Mabuhay si (Long live) Maceda!”
It was Mastura who surprised the crowd when he publicly declared his support for President Aquino’s candidate for Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) governor, Mujiv Hataman.
“I will support Mujiv Hataman in his quest to become the elected regional governor,” said Mastura of the acting ARMM governor.
“My support is anchored on the acting governor’s peace and development initiatives and I want this pursued until 2016 when the new Bangsamoro political entity shall have been established,” he said.
Mastura claimed to be “an organic Liberal Party man” before joining UNA as a result of the ruling party’s selection criteria based on the “equity of the incumbent.”—Charlie C. Señase and Jeofrey Maitem, Inquirer Mindanao



She danced while a nation burnt

By Luis H. Francia
2:17 pm | Monday, April 29th, 2013


NEW YORK - Was it Oscar Wilde who quipped that one thing worse than being talked about is not being talked about?
In this regard, Imelda Romualdez Marcos need not worry. The ex-czarina of the Philippines has never been out of the spotlight even after her less than glamorous exit from center stage. Still, the provincial lass-made-good lived very well in Honolulu, though perhaps not as luxuriously as when, with Ferdinand, bringing the country to ruin. When apparently unable to touch her bank accounts while being tried in a US federal court for alleged crimes committed while in office, she was bailed out, literally, by her glam friend Doris Duke—a trial in which she was acquitted, on her birthday no less, leading her to remark that it was Ferdie up in heaven who made it all possible. Of course, I doubt it was from heaven that the dead tyrant pulled strings. Besides, it has always struck me as odd, the implication of that statement, that only a miracle would save her from federal prison, suggesting that if there had been no divine intervention she would have been found guilty.
Former first lady Imelda R. Marcos
David Byrne’s musical Here Lies Love, labeled a “poperetta,” would surely not surprise Imelda, did she care to notice, that her life story has been reclaimed for the stage at the Public Theater, a theatrical mainstay of downtown Manhattan. Would the work please her? She probably would consider that question irrelevant, apropos of Wilde. Byrne has fashioned a piece of musical theater that attempts to depict a psychological portrait of La Imelda within the setting of a discotheque—his and Fatboy Slim’s music, lights, DJ, slide shows, the works—going by the much publicized fact of Imelda’s fancy for discoing.
He with some singers performed the music at a Carnegie Hall concert gig some years back, and was rightly criticized (by myself, among others) for overlooking the much darker side of the woman who would be queen. This time there is more of that side, while still hewing to the pop psychologizing of a poor girl’s need to satisfy her craving for acceptance and respectability by acquiring all the conventional tokens of a high-end lifestyle: jewels, artworks, real estate—not to mention shoes, of which there is blessedly no mention here.

Here Lies Love has catchy, danceable tunes, and, as staged by Alex Timbers, motion, sound, images and lights combine to not just evoke an era but also actually transform the theater into a disco. There are no seats, except for the upper boxes, so most of the audience becomes disco goers, standing and dancing beside moveable platforms where different parts of the poperetta unfold. Ruthie Ann Miles and Jose Llana bring verve and magnetism to their roles as Imelda and Ferdinand, embodying the real-life duo’s view of themselves as the mythical Malakas (Strength) and Maganda (Beauty).
It is a thoroughly enjoyable spectacle. And yet, pop psychology is in the end unsatisfying, simply because it adheres to a rather simplistic intellectual frame. Yes, Imelda was driven by an unflagging insecurity about her humble origins but one’s social genesis is not the only determinant of future behavior. Played with convincing grit by Melody Butiu, Estrella Cumpas—the loyal servant who took care of Imelda and her siblings when they were poor relations of the father’s first family—tells Imelda, in one of the sharper encounters, that there was nothing wrong with growing up poor.
Rather than point to that as a measure of her character, Imelda shied away from this inconvenient bit of reality and deliberately made moral and ethical decisions in her personal and political life (to her, they were inseparable) that stressed appearance above everything else. In Byrne’s telling, she causes the disappearance of Estrella and also warns Ninoy Aquino not to return once he leaves with his family for the United States.
The poperetta stresses Imelda’s penchant for culture and the arts. True enough, but nowhere is there a mention of the huge scandal due to the1981 tragedy that befell workers rushing to complete the Film Palace, as part of the Cultural Center complex, with strict orders from Imelda that they were to do so 24/7 to ready it for her ill-advised Manila International Film Festival. The haste led to a top floor collapsing and burying those underneath it, in quick-drying cement. Attempts were made to suppress the deaths—after all, these bodies belonged to nobodies—but the event was too much of a tragedy to be kept from the news.
Political and social events are sketched that point the way to the 1986 People Power movement that forced the Marcoses to flee. Towards the conclusion, a member of the terrific ensemble starts playing on acoustic guitar songs whose lyrics are based on the actual words of those who had taken part in the 1986 uprising. He is joined shortly by two other drum-playing ensemble members. It is a beautiful, reflective scene, and I initially thought, what a great way to end the night, hearing from the too-often anonymous. I was mistaken, however, for the last number is reserved for Imelda and the ensemble, singing the lead song, “Here Lies Love.”
Good music, wrong notes.
Copyright L.H. Francia 2013

File SALN before April 30, govt officials, employees reminded April 28, 2013 2:07pm


Malacañang on Sunday issued a last-minute reminder to public servants to file their Statements of Assets, Liabilities and Net Worth (SALNs) on or before Tuesday, April 30.

Filing the SALNs on time is the “personal responsibility” of each government employee," she said on government-run dzRB radio.

Also, Valte said that in the case of the Office of the President, employees had been given a deadline of April 15, so a review committee can check how they filed their SALNs.

Review committees set up by individual government agencies and departments will check if the employees complied with the new guidelines of the Civil Service Commission in filing the SALNs.

“Dapat naibigay na sa review committee bago dumating ang deadline para matingnan nila (The employees should submit their SALNs to the review committees before the April 30 deadline),” she said.

Earlier, the Office of the Ombudsman reminded public servants to file their SALNs by April 30.

Government officials and employees are to file SALNs within 30 days after assuming office, and on or before April 30, and within 30 days after their separation from government service.

Failure to do so may carry a suspension of up to six months for the first offense, and dismissal from the service for the second offense. — LBG, GMA News

Aussie woman raped at knife-point in Bali

BY:BY KARLIS SALNA, 
AAP SOUTH-EAST ASIA CORRESPONDENT 
From: AAP April 29, 2013 5:37PM

AN Australian woman assaulted as a knife was held to her throat during a violent robbery in Bali is believed to be the latest victim of a serial rapist.
The 28-year-old from Perth was attacked in the early hours of Saturday morning after being woken by an intruder who had entered her room at Villa Damais in Kerobokan where she was staying with family.
Details of the horrific assault emerged on Monday with the woman telling police she was first forced to open a safe in her room, before being raped while a knife was held to her throat.
The attack occurred as seven other members of her family, including children, slept in rooms inside the rented villa on the popular holiday island.
"The victim was then threatened with knife by the perpetrator," a spokesman with the North Kuta police, Reinhard Habonaran Nainggolan, told AAP.
"His right hand held the knife while his left hand held a flashlight.
"She was under threat of knife that she could not make a sound."
The woman was treated at a local hospital and returned to Perth with her family on Sunday.
Police said that the woman's description of her attacker matches that of a man believed to have carried out previous rapes.
A number of people were involved in the robbery.
"They entered the villa by jumping on to the wall," Mr Reinhard said.
Three iPads, two mobile phones and about Rp1.5 million ($A150) in cash were stolen.
It is the latest in a spate of violent incidents in an area of Bali popular with tourists, especially Australians.
In March, Mercedes Corby was bashed by a gang in Kuta as she returned home from a party.
The older sister of convicted drug smuggler Schapelle Corby needed minor surgery after suffering a broken nose and bleeding to the cornea during the assault.

Dynasty, RH stand crucial for Senate bets

By Amando Doronila
 Philippine Daily Inquirer 
12:29 am | Monday, April 29th, 2013  


CEBU CITY—Sharp exchanges punctuated the debate among the senatorial candidates on what to do to implement the constitutional ban on political dynasties, the topic of the third and final episode of the Inquirer Senate Forum here on Friday.

The exchanges crystallized the public’s strong sentiment against the domination of Philippine politics by a few but influential and powerful families. The question that surfaced is whether the next Senate will push legislation to give teeth to the constitutional ban.

The intensity of the debate showed that political dynasties are one of the most contentious issues in the May 13 midterm elections, along with the controversial reproductive health (RH) law that has put the Catholic Church in a collision course with the Aquino administration, which backed the measure in Congress.

Their stand on the two issues would either make or break the 33 senatorial candidates’ political fortunes, as indicated by the public’s reaction to them in the three episodes of the Inquirer Senate Forum (the first was held in the University of the Philippines in Diliman and the second in Baguio City).

The three forums tapped into the vein of the views of the senatorial candidates, as the winners will be the policymakers who will shape the national agenda, including political dynasties, the RH law, the economy, poverty, education and taxes.

Social cross-section

The eight candidates, who took part in the Cebu forum, represented a cross-section of society—incumbent office holders, those seeking reelection, and the NGO (nongovernment organizations) sector, with no financial base to fund a campaign, unlike the candidates from political families who had ample resources.

In a way, the candidates from the NGO sector who are seeking electoral support are pitting themselves against the resources of the embedded political families. What are their chances against the goliaths of the dynastic families?

Although they are fighting an uphill battle, the aspiring “outsiders,” the Inquirer forums have found, are rich in ideas and have much to offer to the voters. They can, if elected, democratize the social base of the Senate.

A sort of consensus emerged in the Cebu forum, i.e., there was a need to level the playing field by bringing down the prohibitive costs of electoral campaigning, especially of political advertising.

Independent senatorial candidate Teddy Casiño opened fire on the dynasty issue. After a stint in the House, representing the Left in Philippine politics, Casiño appeared to have already acquired the airs of a veteran senator when he pointed out that he had authored several antidynasty bills, but none of them went to the plenary “because of opposition from lawmakers belonging to big political families.”

Second-degree

Using his own definition of political dynasty, Casiño said the wife, children, parents and siblings—or second-degree relatives—should not be allowed to run for the post being vacated by an outgoing elected official. Singling out Aurora Rep. Juan Edgardo Angara, Casiño said, “There are other families who have young and budding politicians.”

Angara is running for the Senate as a candidate of the administration’s Team PNoy, led by President Aquino himself, scion of the country’s most powerful dynasty, which has produced two presidents (the incumbent and his mother, former President Cory Aquino).

Casiño lamented the fate of the antidynasty bills being killed in Congress. How can the bills be reported out to the floor after the President has stubbornly refused to certify them as urgent legislation?

Angara replied that Casiño’s definition does not apply to him because his father, outgoing Sen. Edgardo Angara, is retiring in June after serving in the Senate for 24 years. “Everyone must be given equal opportunity to serve,” the younger Angara said. But voters, he said, should not elect him because of his family name but because of his track record.

The six other candidates in the forum were former Bukidnon Rep. Juan Miguel Zubiri of the opposition United Nationalist Alliance, Bro. Eddie Villanueva of Bangon Pilipinas, Rizalito David of Ang Kapatiran Party, Mary Grace Poe of Team PNoy, Samson Alcantara of the Social Justice Society, and independent Ricardo Penson.

Charter definition

According to Alcantara, there is no need to define what a political dynasty is because the Constitution is clear that “political dynasties are prohibited, whether they are good or bad.”

David and Penson agreed that the Constitution had already sufficiently defined what a political dynasty was. But they pointed out that the constitutional prohibition had not been implemented because the electorate had kept on voting the wrong officials into office.

Villanueva reiterated his earlier position that no one should be discriminated against in serving the country through the government because of his or her family name, so long as he or she is competent and of good moral standing.

A religious leader, Villanueva has a son, Joel, who is chief of the Technical Education and Skills Development Authority, a government agency.

Casiño, David, Penson and Alcantara, a lawyer, are against political dynasties.

Zubiri made a pitch for a broad public health care system subsidized by the state. He belongs to a political family in Bukidnon. He is the son of Bukidnon Gov. Juan Zubiri Jr. and the younger brother of Bukidnon Rep Jose Ma. Zubiri III. He contended that there are scions of political clans who have excelled and surpassed the performance of their parents and grandparents.

Underrepresented

Zubiri took pains to point out that his region, Mindanao, is grossly underrepresented on the two main contending tickets. It is represented only by him and Sen. Aquilino Pimentel III of the dynasty founded by former Sen. Aquilino Pimentel Jr.

Dynastic lineage runs across interlocking party lines. None of the two alignments can claim superiority in being able to push antidynasty legislation in the next Congress. Both are blighted on this issue.

There is no more ironic setting for the third Inquirer Senate forum than Cebu. As the campaign heated up, I observed that the walls in the city were plastered with election posters that carried the pictures of candidates from Cebu’s political dynasties.

Among the cities or ethnic regions of the country, Cebu has the most political dynasties. The posters carry the names of families that have ruled the region since the turn of the 20th century—the Osmeñas, Duranos, Garcias, Sottos and Cuencos.

According to a study by Bobby Tuazon of the Center of People Empowerment in Governance, 94 percent of the provinces (73 out of a total of 80) have political dynasties. The average number of political families per province is 2.31. Cebu accounts for at least six. Whether the density of dynasties has made Cebu more democratic and more economically progressive is an issue that calls for further academic research.




Gordon banks on experience in Senate bid

By Sheila Crisostomo (The Philippine Star) 
Updated April 16, 2013 - 12:00am

MANILA, Philippines - Former senator Richard Gordon is making a political comeback by seeking a seat in the Senate under the United Nationalist Alliance.
Gordon’s history on executive, legislative and humanitarian works spans more than three decades.
A lawyer by profession, Gordon started early in public service. He was in his mid-20s when he became the youngest delegate to the 1971 Constitutional Convention (ConCon).
As mayor of Olongapo City from 1980 to 1986, he made waves by turning Olongapo into a highly urbanized city. He introduced volunteerism, color-coding of vehicles, and proper waste disposal long before they were adopted by other localities.
In 1987, Gordon became governor of the Philippine Red Cross and he is now serving his fourth term as chairman of the humanitarian agency.
He rose to national prominence even more when he got Olongapo City back to its feet after the Mt. Pinatubo eruption and the pullout of American bases in early ‘90s.
Gordon also became secretary of the Department of Tourism from 2001-2004, during which he launched the world-renowned “WOW Philippines” campaign to attract foreign tourists into the country.
This year, Gordon is gunning for a Senate seat on May 13. And he is banking on his accomplishments as a senator from 2004 to 2010 and his long experience in public service.
“I have experienced the Senate... I’ve passed important laws - the automated (election) law, tourism law, international humanitarian law, and the economics,” Gordon said.
“I have the wisdom that comes from being a lawyer; being a ConCon delegate, the youngest at that in 1971; being a mayor, a local government official for 13 years; handling business conglomerates at the SBMA (Subic Bay Metropolitan Authority); being a secretary of tourism and chairman of Red Cross. That experience you cannot get anywhere,” he added.
Gordon promised that if again elected as senator, he would initiate laws that would improve the country’s education system and uplift the lives of teachers who are earning much lower salary compared to their counterparts in Asia.
He also expressed concern over the country’s “weak” defense and its lack of functional air force and navy amid the territorial disputes with other nations.
Gordon admitted that he sometimes longs for the “intelligent discourse” that he had at the Senate.
“It’s not only making laws... You have to make sure, why tourism law is not being enforced. Why is there so little employment despite the high income, despite the Gross Domestic Product going up, why power (program) is not implemented in Mindanao,” he said.
“It’s not talking for the sake of talking. It’s talking for your country. Senators are after all elected to discuss policies... That’s why there are senators who cannot do anything.  They cannot communicate, they don’t attend meetings,” he added.
Gordon lamented that even though Filipinos have elected leaders since 1946, “it seems that every time we elect, we have not really grown like the other countries in Asia.”
“We’ve gone down and everybody has overtaken us. Every time there is an election, we are supposed to improve. There’s been no improvement. It seems we are not voting for the right people,” he observed.

Lawmakers receive P10.6-B 'pork'

by Jess Diaz
The Philippine Star


MANILA, Philippines - The Department of Budget and Management (DBM) appears to be speeding up the release of pork barrel funds to senators and congressmen, many of whom are seeking reelection or other posts in next month’s polls.

The Commission on Elections (Comelec) has exempted pork barrel funds from the ban on the release of money from the national treasury provided these are not used for election purposes.

As of last Friday, the DBM website showed that a total of P10.6 billion of the P25-billion Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) had already been released. PDAF is the official name of the congressional pork barrel.

The P10.6 billion is almost double the P5.8 billion that was out as of March 8, or less than a month ago.

Of the P10.6 billion, P9.4 billion has been made available to members of the House of Representatives and P1.2 billion to senators.

Of the amount released to House members, P7.6 billion was for those elected from legislative districts and P1.8 billion for party-list groups.

Among the recipient-lawmakers are senatorial candidates of the administration Team PNoy coalition and the opposition United Nationalist Alliance (UNA).

The biggest recipient is reelectionist Sen. Aquilino Pimentel III of Team PNoy, who has received P167.3 million.

Senate colleagues Loren Legarda, Francis Escudero, Alan Peter Cayetano, and Antonio Trillanes IV, who are also seeking reelection under the administration coalition, have received P90.5 million, P88.8 million, P7.3 million, and P30 million, respectively.

Some P50 million has been released to another Team PNoy senatorial candidate, Aurora Rep. Juan Edgardo Angara.
UNA candidates are also getting their share of the pork barrel. Sen. Gregorio Honasan has received P54 million, while Reps. Joseph Victor Ejercito of San Juan and Jack Enrile of Cagayan have received P32 million and P15 million, respectively.

The campaign managers of the administration and the opposition are also getting their share. Some P41 million has been made available to Sen. Franklin Drilon of Team PNoy and P16 million to his UNA counterpart, Navotas Rep. Tobias Tiangco.

Other senators who have received their allocations are Edgardo Angara, P80.2 million; Pia Cayetano, P12.1 million; Jinggoy Estrada, P95.5 million; Juan Ponce Enrile, P5 million; Teofisto Guingona III, P31.2 million; Ferdinand Marcos Jr., P51 million; Sergio Osmeña III, P82.5 million; Francis Pangilinan, P98 million; Ralph Recto, P23 million; and Manuel Villar Jr., P49.5 million.

Vicente Sotto III and Lito Lapid have availed themselves of their full half-year allocation of P100 million each.
There are no entries in the DBM website for Miriam Defensor-Santiago and Ramon Revilla Jr., while Joker Arroyo and Panfilo Lacson have not been using their annual P200-million fund since their election to the Senate more than 11 years ago.

Party-list groups that have been disqualified by the Comelec are among the recipients of pork barrel funds.

These groups have questioned the Comelec decision before the Supreme Court, which has decided to return their cases to the poll body with a new set of parameters for qualifying or disqualifying them.

They have received their share of pork barrel funds even if the Comelec insists on their disqualification.

They include Ako Bicol, which has received P90 million; Alliance for Democracy and Nationalism, P35 million; Association of Philippine Electric Cooperatives, P35 million; and 1st Consumers’ Alliance for Rural Energy, P69.8 million.

Meanwhile, Manila Auxiliary Bishop Broderick Pabillo said the Aquino administration should tap pork barrel funds to finance programs under the Magna Carta for the Poor.

“If they are going to utilize (pork barrel) properly, it will really help the poor and not coursed it through the hands of legislators because that is not their job,” said Pabillo, chairman of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines-National Secretariat for Social Action, Justice and Peace.

Last month, President Aquino vetoed the proposed Magna Carta for the Poor, explaining that it would be a “mission impossible” for the government to allocate around P3.3 trillion from the P2-trillion annual national budget to fund the programs outlined in the bill.  – With Evelyn Macairan, The Philippine Star